This article was first published in The Kathmandu Post, Dec 11, 2017.
The
10th South Asia Economic Summit held in Kathmandu last month aroused hopes and
aspirations as it discussed regional cooperation on many fronts, from promoting
trade and investment to mitigating the risks of climate change. The National
Planning Commission (NPC) was directly involved, along with Kathmandu-based
regional think tank South Asia Watch on Trade, Economics and Environment
(Sawtee). The main message from the summit was that, while the pillars of
prosperity are shifting towards Asia Pacific from the West, South Asia has an
important role to play as a dynamic and open society with a huge population
dividend.
An enabling environment
The
government scrapped a $2.5 billion deal with China Gezhouba Group Corporation
to build the 1,200 MW Budhi Gandaki Hydroelectric Project, which would be the
largest in the country. The decision taken just before the scheduled
parliamentary and provincial elections has spread the wrong message to the
public. It has also generated conspiracy theories about the ‘relations’ of
political parties with China and India. The country’s credibility has eroded as
a result. Nepal needs foreign investment, and it can come from any country. We
don’t have to worry whether it’s Chinese or Indian money as long as it
helps to develop large-scale infrastructure.
Nepal
will require an estimated $15 billion for infrastructure development within the
next few years, and another $20 billion for urban development. Multilateral
development banks such as the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB) and
newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) are funnelling
new investments into Nepal, but they are not enough. The country now needs
something more—a consistent inflow of private investment in the services and
manufacturing sectors. Services and manufacturing can attract investment from
domestic and foreign private parties only if the government ensures an enabling
environment. This means quality connectivity infrastructure, policy clarity and
consistency regardless of changes of government.
While
the second condition could be fulfilled by a stable government looking towards
state prosperity, it is quite difficult to see how the first condition of
quality connectivity infrastructure will be fulfilled. The question is about
the massive funding needed to build connectivity infrastructure. At the same
time, issues of governance and the expenditure capacity of our institutions and
the technical capacity of the human resources remain.
The
state mechanism is going to be bulkier and more expensive with the change from
the existing unitary system to federalisation. The Finance Ministry has
estimated that it will cost around Rs820 billion to establish office buildings
and facilities for the local and provincial governments. Considering the huge
amount of money needed, managing funding for municipal and scaled-up provincial
level infrastructure is another question.
It
is not practical to expect local and provincial governments to secure funding
for infrastructure development at this early stage of federalism. The central
government has to support local and provincial governments so they are
institutionally capable to function as soon as possible. The central government
has to adopt policies that create an enabling environment for foreign investors
to jump in to develop infrastructure projects. This will allow the government
to focus on the core issues of institutionalising the achievements made so far
in terms of federalising the country. The process has been more about political
engineering so far, but now it will also require finance and technical
capacity.
House in order
The
country’s needs are beyond measure, and we have limited resources at our
disposal. Nepal has to look towards both the south and north for support, not
just financial support but also political support through which both China and
India can help Nepal emerge from transition successfully.
So,
we have to be clear about what we want, and design our foreign policies
accordingly. The first and foremost priority of our foreign policy at present
should be attracting more foreign investment. Let’s revisit Deng Xiaoping’s
time to get some nuggets of wisdom. In the early 1970s, the Nixon
administration got closer to China to find potential ways to contain the
influence of the former Soviet Union. This was phrased as America using the
‘China Card’ as a weapon against the Soviet Union. The then leader of China,
Deng Xiaoping, was asked if the US was using the ‘China Card’; and his response
was quite an answer to the world. He said that China wouldn’t be on the table
but at the table. He continued saying that China didn’t want to be a card but a
player.
Nepal
has to abandon this ‘card’ mentality. Nepal can neither be a card nor a player
at the moment. It has to come out of the ground of regional geopolitics and get
its house in order first. The challenges ahead are enormous, and we have to be
serious.
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