In
May 2015, China and India signed an agreement to
augment border trade via the Nepali territory of Lipulekh Pass. This was done
during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to China. Nepal, a
Landlocked Least Developed Country (LLDC), was a mere spectator.
Last
week, India’s Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh inaugurated an
80-km-long strategic road from Dharchula (Uttarakhand) to Lipulekh, which will
serve as the shortest route to Kailash-Mansarobar from New Delhi. Nepal’s
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) issued a press release ‘regretting’ the
inauguration.
India
has been deploying its Indo-Tibet Border Police (ITBP) force at Kalapani since
1962, something Nepal has termed an action against the letter and spirit of
Sugauli Treaty (1861). In the past 60 years, Nepal’s economic development has
progressed at a snail’s pace and the country has lacked an ability to maintain
an assertive neighborhood policy with its two giant neighbors.
Beijing enthusiastically welcomed Modi in May 2015,
calling him ‘Indian Nixon’, sparking hope of greater collaboration between the
two giants. But it was disheartening for Nepalis as the ‘Indian Nixon’ was violating
Nepal’s sovereignty by signing a controversial agreement with China without
Nepal’s involvement.
Haidian district in Beijing, which hosts three
world-class universities—Tsinghua, Peking and Renmin—is undoubtedly the most
vibrant intellectual hotspot of China. A huge number of Nobel laureates and
global leaders visit Haidian on a daily basis to deliver lectures and take
classes in these universities. The area is full of debates on China’s past,
present and future, including Chinese President Xi Jinping’s potential as
‘China’s Mikhail Gorbachev’.
I brought up the painful topic of the 2015 Joint
Statement during one of those debates. The statement had clearly violated
Nepal’s sovereignty, and I was disturbed by the actions of our two neighbors.
In the end, I and some other friends of Nepal decided to recommend to the
Nepali Embassy in China hosting of high-level forums that discussed important
topics for Nepal, most importantly those concerning its sovereignty.
Informally, I was told that the Nepali embassies
around the world are short of cash to host such forums. “It costs a lot to host
such events in Beijing and we don’t have the money,” shared a Beijing-based
senior Nepali diplomat. “When we are perpetual guests at tables hosted by other
countries, how can we assert our own issues?” he questioned.
Moreover, Nepal rarely appoints ambassadors on merit
basis, and that is where the issue gets worse. These ambassadors cannot
convince or fight with the MoFA for funds. The flip side is, even the financial
resources in the basket of these embassies are poorly managed.
This issue is largely linked to the country’s state
capacity. “If the Nepalese government cannot increase state capacity, the state
itself could gradually dissolve,” wrote Robert D. Kaplan in his influential
book, The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us About Coming
Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate’ (2011). He further
writes that China and India could play a new version of the Great Game in the
Himalayas.
The only way to manage these Great Game players is to
increase our capacity both in economic and military terms. Nepal needs to be
economically powerful to give its embassies enough funds for incidental
expenditure. Had the Embassy of Nepal in China raised the issue of Lipulekh in
Beijing’s high tables in 2015, who knows, perhaps China would have been more
careful about stepping on Nepal’s sensitivities in the future.
Nepal saw 15 different prime ministers and 40
governments in the past six decades. But the issue of Kalapani remains unsolved
and the country’s economic stagnation continues. This can be attributed among
other things to the tendency of our leaders to seek personal favors from
abroad, particularly India.
A poor and politically unstable Nepal has only one
option out of this three-dimensional problem. That is to enhance its economic
power by making its people the most wanted consumers of Indian and Chinese
goods. “Above all a pragmatist” when dealing with stronger powers, as
Machiavelli would advise. The most pragmatic way is to build a country of 30
million indispensable consumers. If we have to make a small investment for
this, for instance in hosting important discussions and debates abroad, it will
be well worth it.
This article was first published in The Annapurna Express on May 13, 2020.
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