This article was first published in The Kathmandu Post, July 21, 2017.
That
Nepal can and should benefit from its two neighbours, China and India, is an
opinion that is echoed across almost all platforms these days. China and India
are both on their way to becoming leading economies with lucrative markets and
a rising middle class. Nepal shares a 1,400km open border with India, allowing
free flow of people and goods. Nepal and China, however, are separated by
mountains, and the challenging terrain makes direct interaction between people
and flow of goods troublesome.
But
China is a source of finance for thousands of mega projects across the globe.
So, it would not be a big stretch to say that Nepal stands to benefit from its
proximity with China. But for that to happen, Nepal should first build a
foundation for foreign investment. The question is: what qualifies Nepal to
become a good destination for foreign direct investment, particularly from
China and India?
Locational advantage
Strategic
location alone is not sufficient for a country to prosper. Nepal has not been
able to properly utilise its locational advantage due to a constantly evolving
economic, political and social history. Of course, like Nepal, China and India
also have their own history and internal problems. While China cannot fully
embrace the world due to ideological differences, India suffers from a colonial
mindset and extreme poverty in a huge swathe of the country. Yet, despite
challenges, both the countries are striving for regional leadership.
China
has launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with the objective of
connecting the entire Eurasia landmass via land and sea. While Nepal is a
signatory of this project, India has withheld its support. Hawkish Indian
nationalists see this project as a strategy to encircle India and establish a
singular Chinese leadership in the region and eventually in the world. But India’s
competition with China is futile for at least the next couple of decades. India
cannot afford to get into any conflicts if it is serious about improving the
living standards of its citizens.
India’s
ambitions are clear. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi concluded his speech
at the 18th SAARC Summit in Kathmandu in December 2014 saying that India’s
vision of South Asia rests on five pillars: trade, investment, assistance,
cooperation and people-to-people connections. India, being the biggest country in
the regional bloc, explicitly highlights in all forums that it would lead the
sub-continent to shared peace and prosperity. But the claim Modi made in 2014
has not materialised even to the slightest degree. Thus far, India has not
taken any initiatives to push the region forward. Against this backdrop, India
is now trying to block the BRI with its lack of cooperation and by discouraging
neighbouring countries from being a part of it.
Mutually beneficial strategy
Even
though India detests the idea of China taking the lead in connectivity in the
region, Nepal is officially a part of the BRI. But Nepal has not yet assessed
how to leverage optimal benefits from the Chinese initiative. First and
foremost, Nepal is in need of infrastructure to advance the economy.
Nepal
government has identified major economic centres in its National Urban
Development Strategy, 2017 (NUDS-2017): i) Kathmandu ii) Pokhara iii) Dhangadi
iv) Nepalgunj v) Butwal vi) Siddharthanagar vii) Bharatpur viii) Hetauda ix)
Janakpur x) Dharan and xi) Biratnagar. These economic centres were
identified on the basis of their locational advantage, economic base and
regional potential. To advance the economy and raise people’s living standards,
Nepal has to build infrastructure for three purposes: i) connecting these
economic centres with each other ii) connecting these centres with the
hinterlands surrounding them and iii) connecting them with the border points
with both neighbours.
The
process of building connectivity infrastructure within the country should be
synced with the implementation of the BRI in the region. The NUDS-2017 has come
at an opportune time; it can be synchronised with the broader goal of
connectivity envisaged by the BRI.
Nepal
may be a signatory of the BRI, but the connectivity line proposed and
endorsed by the Chinese government does not include Nepali territory. The belt
and road, however, crosses through many countries in Eurasia. This leaves room
to question the benefits Nepal will derive from the initiative. But instead of
being cynical, Nepal should work with the Chinese government to make optimal
use of the latter’s ambition.
For
China, the best way to take Nepal under its arm and gain access to South Asia
is to establish the headquarters of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
(AIIB) in Lumbini. Lumbini will be a strategic place for AIIB, as it will allow
China to be right next to India. Establishing AIIB’s headquarters in Lumbini
will have two major benefits for China: the bank’s headquarters will be in a
least developed country, and China can show that it is working towards
complementing worldwide development efforts through the bank. This will also
help China refute the claim that the AIIB is merely China’s challenge to the
existing structure and operation of the World Bank and the Asian Development
Bank. China will also have a strategic presence in South Asia, an important
step to balance India’s power and help this region progress.
Nepal
has to find ways to advance its pace of development by synchronising national
priorities with regional initiatives. Nepal also has to make a convincing case
to China and other members of the AIIB to establish its headquarters in
Lumbini. By doing so, Nepal can make optimum use of new initiatives and can
urge China and India to work together for the region’s development.
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